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It seems most people Set behind the General Post Office in the Rue Coq Heron, its job was to take letters of interest, open them, read their contents and then seal them again without detection by their intended readers or disruption to the postal service. Each railed against it in turn and then, on taking power, suddenly found it indispensable. The largest black chamber ever constructed is being built now, in Utah.
Australia is building its own sister system at HMAS Harman just outside Canberra, partly to accommodate the data that will flow to us from Utah. The question now is: Together, they intercept, store and search vast quantities of information, raking the internet and phone systems for data and metadata.
Sometimes lists of their strangely evocative names appear anonymously online: It had no people inside it, just banks of dumb computers with blinking lights, and a screen repeating the word ENVOY. Australians worried meekly that the US and UK might have access to our trade and defence contracts, and then got back in the junior partner box. Oversight at the American end of the arrangement has failed. The September 11 attacks acted as a catalyst to alter not just the scale of US intelligence gathering, but its purpose and rationale.
Over the last decade, battles within the NSA over privacy, oversight and legality have prompted a slew of resignations and whistleblowing. Analyst William Binney became so exasperated with aggressive domestic spying that he took the information to a Supreme Court judge, going to the press only when he was ignored. Russ Tice and Thomas Drake showed how the NSA had undertaken an extensive program of wiretaps without warrants, targeting everyone from Amnesty International to foreign journalists having phone sex with their spouses.
Those responsible for the programs were promoted, the whistleblowers had their houses raided and legal challenges were dismissed on the grounds that the plaintiffs were unable to prove they had been spied on — partly because the necessary evidence was deemed too sensitive to be made public.
This de facto legal immunity became official when the telecommunication companies involved were given retroactive immunity for any illegalities that had occurred. The most aggressive wiretaps were eventually overseen by a secret court operating under the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act , which in the past 33 years has rejected only 11 of the 34, requests put to it. Legislative oversight has also been ineffectual.
In , the whistleblower Russ Tice, already fired by the NSA, offered to testify to the US Congress about surveillance program abuse, and was warned that legislators did not have the security clearance even to hear his testimony. Even the architect of the Act, Jim Sensenbrenner, and former counter-terrorism tsar Richard Clarke have publicly criticised the scale of surveillance, arguing it has pushed anti-terrorism laws beyond their intended use.
This overreach is bad for Americans, but it puts the citizens of Australia, the UK, Canada and New Zealand in an even more vulnerable position. US agencies are almost unfettered when it comes to monitoring foreigners. The majority of internet traffic is routed via US-based servers and, in the case of the Five Eyes, a conduit exists to provide this information to our governments for domestic use.
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